I should have told you that when I was captured and went to lie
down by the log, I took my Sabre and belt and hid down under the
log and covered them with leaves and trash. I suppose they are
there yet, unless some fellow undertook to cut the log and by
accident uncovered them. Thousands and thousands of dollars worth
of arms and equipment are lying in the soil of the state where
battles were fought to by dug up by generations yet unborn, were
to turn to dust by the action of the elements.
It seems proper to tell you what I found out after our midnight
flight Louden Heights, before I tell you of the flight. Col.
Mosby's after routing us at Rectortown and capturing a large
number of my men, said he would attack us and camp and clean out
our cavalry, and make his preparations as follows: midnight on the
16th of January 1864, 10 men were to attend to Col. Cole and head
in a house on the road. Six men for each tent and six for each of
officers Marquees, making 130 men in all. They were to capture or
kill every body and take our horses and all and wipe us out of
existence. We had lost more than 80 men in camp.
I had not got my fighting tools in order when he attacked us,
but was in camp, not being bad enough to get to the hospital.
On the evening of the 10th the picket guard on the Hillsboro
Road and also camp guard was stationed as usual. Taps sounded,
lights out and all was quiet as usual, no thought of danger, and
least of all a surprise of any kind.
When awakening was perhaps a fair example of most if not the
whole command. The report of a gun fired open my eyes, and in an
instant a strange noise had me out of my bunk, also ordnance
Sergeant (now major) O. A. Horner. I jumped out picked up my boots
and stepping out of my tent pulled my boots on outside. Major
Horner drew his on inside and had not got out before two or three
bullets tour through our blankets on the bunk. Men were all around
me what to do work to know them, a carbine was fired just at my
side with the words "get off you son of a bitch", and I recognize
the voice of Charles A. Gilson, who had fired at a man on
horseback who was unhitching my horse that was tied just behind my
tent. Our standing instructions to our men was, in case we were
attacked, to not mount a horse and shoot every man on horseback. I
had no arms and no time in the dark to get any, so I stepped off a
short distance and on a bank to look for what I could see, I would
have done better to have laid down, for the only way we could see
was against the sky. Our could see dark objects moving, some by
the flash from the discharge of carbines, that was rapid for a few
minutes. I do not think the whole thing lasted more than 15
minutes and when quiet was restored it seemed as if an earthquake
or some terrible convulsion of nature had swept over us, and tore
everything all to pieces. A moments reflection brought us to our
senses, and a search for the enemy but always gone. Our next duty
was to find out the amount of damage done. I have forgotten the
number of casualties, but my company D. W. Longwell had the mark
of a bullet across his breast that cut the skin. W. H. Weaver one
on his thigh. These are all that I remember now by name. One or
two was shot dead and other companies, but I have forgotten their
names.
When they began to dawn we could see to examine things. We
found Captain Smith, Mosby's dashing leader, dead in front of
Captain Corner's tent, another near and a track of blood from
behind my tent toward the road and 100 yd. off we found a dead
man. I suppose Charles A. Gilson shot did work for him. A number
of our men were wounded. Also several of Mosby's men that fell
into our hands. One in particular I remember a young man named
Paxton from near Leesburg. The reason I remember him is that in
our Leesburg skirmish in September Samuel McNair was wounded in
young Paxton's mother care for him and Paxton asked for McNair and
stated that fact to him. He got all of the kind attention that
could be given him, but his wound was fatal and in a short time he
died.
Captain George W. F. Vernon was shot through the eye. We feared
it might be fatal, but he was made of good metal and he pulled
through with nothing worse except the lost of the eye. The other
answering every purpose when he came back to us in a few months,
and upon the battalion being augmented to a regiment became its
lieutenant colonel. Captain Rivers had a bullet in his heel that
was painful and took a long time to heal, and never entirely
healed.
We took the wounded to a hospital and all got the best care we
could give them. Captain Smith and the two privates were buried in
one grave near Camp. The boys said they put Captain Smith
underneath so he cannot get out.
A few days afterwards Captain Smith's wife and several men came
to get his body and they took all the dead away. Mrs. Smith said
he had a very fine gold watch and his pocket that she would like
to very much to have. It was not buried with them and of course no
one knew where it was, in poor woman, like many thousands more had
to go away without it. I never knew got it, and I supposed very
few if any but the one who got it knows to this day where it is.
For wall we were at a loss to know how Mosby got into our camp
unseen. For we had a picket a mile out on the only road to camp,
and he had not seen or heard a thing until firing commenced in
camp.
The mystery was unraveled when we found that by a lane, a mile
farther out than the picket post led by cuts across the fields to
Potomac River, then a road up the river to near the junction of
the Shenandoah river with the Potomac, which put him behind us and
between are camp and Harpers Ferry where the others of our Corps
were camped. He then came to our camp from the direction of our
men. This fooled our guard on the road at Colonel Cole’s
headquarters, thinking they were a scouting party from the ferry,
and allow them to get to close before he challenged them. Upon
refusal to answer or stop he fired his gun which gave us the
alarm, but it required only a moment to be among our tents and
surrounding headquarters. Colonel Cole and two or three that were
in the house save their bacon by jumping out the window and
hiding.
One of my men, Samuel R. Bostick, as brave of a man as there
was in the company is likely in the Army, jumped up and with not a
thing on what his shirt, ran out of his tent and right over Louden
Heights toward Harpers Ferry more than a mile, snow and ice
covered the ground and when he got to the Shenandoah river his
feet were frozen solid. The guard at the bridge said his bare feet
sounded like horses hoofs on the planks of the bridge. He lost
some of his toes. He was ashamed for his action and never could
account for it. It did not hurt his bravery for he won a pair of
lieutenant straps before the war closed.
It may be that it did not require much bravery to defend our
own "Dunghill", even in the middle of the night, but I know that
the whole country gave us much praise, and the Secretary of War,
complemented us and the general order. General Sullivan did the
same in gave us time, material and a keg of commissary whiskey to
build a Blockhouse for future safety. It was useless labor for
Mosby and others concluded that it was not save to "Beard a ----
----and his own castle".
The taking Captain Smith from Mosby hurt him more than the loss
of half of his command, for he was his executive officer, as
fearless as brave, leaving his cause was just and thought no
hardship was too great if he could accomplish his purpose to drive
the Yankees from Virginia’s sacred soil. He sleeps in a brave
soldiers grave. Peace to his ashes, and prosperity for his dear
ones left behind.
About the first of February 1864 we were ordered to Bolovar
Heights. There we had the usual scouting to do, but I did not
participate in much of the outside work. A request at the issued
by US authorities giving all who desired to re-enlist for the war
a chance to do so, and offered a bounty of $300 and a 30 day
furlough.
Colonel Cole detailed me to take charge of the recruiting
office. I detailed Frederick. J. Bread of my company for clerk and
we went to work.
Five of six came in immediately and I thought the whole command
would jump at the big bounty and furlough, but it was a drag for a
week or more. There was much debating among the men, quite a
larger number against the re-enlistment.
One argument was that they were promised a furlough each year
and some had never got one, and they worked hard of this bendage.
The opposition argued that they would get a big furlough in large
bounty, lots of fun and frolic and afterwards the duty would be no
harder than what they have already experienced, to come along,
reenlisted, make a big Army, clean up the whole rebel crew and the
war, go home and set up business on a bounty received and get
rich. We officers did all we could to get the men to reenlisted
for we had a movement on foot in Baltimore city to recruit eight
companies to make a regiment, with the hope that some of us would
be promoted.
One my men Jason M. Scott had a love affair and had been trying
to get a furlough for months so that he could give the matter some
personal attention. His being denied what he claimed as a right
and a heart felt desired, soured him so much against the dictation
and repeated failures to get a furlough. He warned the advocates
for re-enlistment to keep their distance from his quarters under
pain of losing their heads.
One morning a week or 10 days after I had opened the office,
comrade Scott stepped in and requested that his name should be
entered for re-enlistment. In surprise asked Jimmy how is this.
What is the matter that you have changed your mind? The answer, "
I can’t get a furlough and the usual way, and I am bound to see my
girl, and this seems to be the only chance". I will only add he
got his furlough, saw his sweetheart. They were married after the
war. I visited them in Gettysburg, also in Washington DC where
they now live. Mrs. Scott is an elegant, intelligent lady and I do
not wonder that Jimmy changed his mind, reenlisted to get a
furlough to make for a visit and also make for his wife.
Enough reenlisted to keep our company organizations. Eight
companies were recruited in Baltimore. They were attached our
battalion forming a cavalry regiment to be known as "Coles’
Cavalry Maryland Volunteers".
In the promotions or battalion officers were ignored. Seniority
was nowhere, bribery was freely charged, and more than likely
true.
I was a senior Captain and I got nothing at all. The fourth
Captain was made lieutenant colonel. But Orderly Sergeant Oliver
A. Horner was made Adjutant and afterwards made a Major. Civilians
in Baltimore were made Majors. One an English fool, who knew no
more of military or Majors duty than a dog does preaching, and a
coward to boot, and thus it went all along the line.
I can account for my being slighted in no way but by a
circumstance that occurred while we were in camp at Kearneyville
near Harpers Ferry.
Colonel Henry Cole had gotten an immense quantity of
Confederate money, and while camped at Kearneyville he got his
father to go out in the country and buy wheat using a part of the
Confederate money and greenback to pay for, thus getting as near
face value for Confederate money as he could. Then when the farmer
could not haul a wheat to the station, he ordered all our
government teams to haul it in. The wheat was shipped to market by
railroad and he pocketed the profits. This use of US government
teams for private purpose was a violation of Army regulations.
Much talk indulged in about it and finally Lieutenant William
Horner and Robert Crooks preferred charges without my knowing
anything about the charges and specifications against him.
One day the Major (we were at that time he battalion and that
was his rank) stepped out of the cars from Harpers Ferry, dressed
in his Sunday uniform, went to his tent, ate his dinner, then came
to me and asked me to take a walk. We walked out a mile or so
where he charge me with preferring the charges against him for
using the teams for hauling in the wheat. I denied it, told him I
knew nothing about it, did not even know the charges were sent in
against him, in fact did not know anything about it. I do not
think he believed me, perhaps to this day, he thinks it was my
work, but I really knew nothing of who the author was until some
days afterwards when Lieutenant William Horner told me he had done
it.
I thought then and still think this occurrence was why I was so
completely ignored in the promotions of the regiment. I did care
much. My company was a good one, the most of its members were of
my acquaintance and friends. I loved them in a think I can safely
say, without egotism, that they respected me all that any Captain
could ask. But I must acknowledge that a feeling of dislike grew
on me during the summer, that reopened into a determination to
quit the service in September when the three years was up, which I
did. Another reason helped to determine my retiring from the
service.
When we entered the service, all of us were very ignorant of
how to make out our accounts with the government. By the time I
have spoken of above, I had learned how these accounts ought to be
made but as Captain Horner never made any and I took no account of
property received from him, I had no starting point in no way to
make one except going to Washington and examining the charges made
against him and my self, or seeing the heads of the departments
and getting some other instructions. I do not get leave to go to
Washington or in fact anywhere else. So I determined to leave the
service in for two weeks sought out ordinance and quartermasters
papers for beginning is but could not find anything for start.
Finally I was told I must make a consolidated approximate return
for the whole three years, swear to it before a notary public and
I would be accepted in final settlement. I did so, drew $700 or
$800 due and struck for home as a private citizen, thinking I
would have a good time. But strange to say, that after a month, I
had visit friends and civil life became so anonymous and dry I
could not stand it. I determined to go back to service. Of course
no commission was waiting for me and I had to list is a private. I
chose old company "B" knowing it would not the proper for me they
don’t old company.
I was not alone is a private for commissioned officers for
Colonel of the 138th Pennsylvania. Trift, was our
ranks. Colonel C. L. K. Sunwalt who had been dismissed for adding
disorderly conduct, Major of the regular army, and several others
that I do not recollect.
Having been through the school of final settlement, I having
studied hard and understood Army accounts I was immediately
detailed to take charge of regimental headquarters, and for the
balance of the time had an easy berth.
And to tell the truth, the regiment never did half as much for
the Union as the old battalion of four companies did. Now I must
go back to the spring of 1864 before the complete organization of
our regiment active operations concerned.
General Franz Seigel was placed in command of the Shenandoah
Valley. Cavalry was rather scarce. We were drawn for all we could
muster, about 160 men in all. In the number is three captains,
four or five lieutenants and one major. The English major have
spoke of, his name was J. Poundsend Daniels, Major second
battalion, Coles’ Cavalry Maryland volunteers. We all thought he
was a son of a minister but for some devilment was shipped to
America to avoid disgrace in his with and kin in England. We had a
good education and a fine musician and he would be great ladies
man.
Well we go into fighting harness with about two wagons, for
officers tents, a number of "A" Frame tents, divorces, and with
high spirits we left Harpers Ferry to report to General Seigel at
Winchester. Here we spent a week or more getting in proper shape.
Every attache of Seigel’s headquarters lagan to a load of beer
kegs full to the sutler’s, to be returned if the next morning to
replace by full ones. It was a jolly time. He could get it pay or
no pay. "We fight for Seigel" was on every lip.
In about ten days an advance was ordered up the Valley. There
was no hindrance until we were near New Market. Here our advance
was fired upon. Immediate preparations were made for battle but in
a very strange way. To give general Seigel the benefit of the
doubt, perhaps he believed there was no force worth naming to
oppose him, which was true as I will tell you later on. To tell
you how ignorant or careless some general with reputations were, I
must tell you that our army of 10,000 men at least four times as
much wagon train as ought to have been allowed in an enemy’s
country, and when the advance was stopped the rear of our column
was 12 mi. behind the advance. When the firing commenced Seigel
sent a couple hundred cavalry ahead to see what the force was. We
found about 1000 men stationed in line of battle on each side of
the road with earthen breastworks, and he opened on us fiercely.
We fell back out of range and reported. Seigel seem to think a
trap was sent for him. He drew up his artillery to a stream one of
the West branches of the Shenandoah river about the size of Marsh
Creek near Gettysburg, and commenced shelling the enemy 1 ½ or 2
mi. away. They answered with shells and thus we spent from four
o’clock until dark trying to draw the enemy, but it would not work
because as we found out later on the enemy was the 1000 men in a
single line, composed of six or 800 volunteers in about 200 boys
from the military school at Lexington Virginia. Well we banged
away until dark at each other without a single casualty on our
side and out of the enemy that we ever heard of.
We all expected to go into camp, but soon found after dark
orders came to march back no one seemed to nowhere. The wagoners
that scared in turning around a narrow road (Turnpike). Some of
them upset their wagons and spilled the contents out on the
ground. He added to their fright, and a stampede took place at
nearly demoralized the whole command. We marched on and on through
the whole night, and when the sun arose the next morning we were
back in our old camp near Cedar Creek. Our boys all wondered what
the dickons we had went to near New Market the day before. None of
us saw any military advantage in it. We do not know then how small
a number opposed us, our advance.
We all concluded that it was the Western style of conducting a
campaign, as Seigel had just come from the Western Army where he
had made a great reputation. We soon found that the authorities at
Washington did not approve of Seigel’s mode of warfare.
In a few days some general officer came riding into camp. He
was the finest horsemen I had ever seen. As he rode through the
camp toward headquarters, his keen eye seemed to take in
everything, his firm set lips look as if his teeth could bite a
ten penny nail in two. He looked young, a mustache as black as
night, and sat on his horse so erect and firm.
Who was he? Was asked everywhere. In an hour or two we found it
was old General David Hunter, who had been in Washington as
president of the General court martial there for some time. He had
been relieved from Southern command because he was ahead of every
other General and his conduct and actions to subdue the South by
taking from them their slaves and enrolling them as soldiers,
asserting, I believe, that a "Nigger" could stop a bullet as well
as a white man. But higher authority held a different view, and
General Hunter was ordered to Washington and made president of the
court martial which was held there.
We soon found he was no lager beer soldier. Orders came to
second day telling us how much a soldier would be allowed to carry
along in an active campaign. As near as I can recollect it was
about as follows: headquarters of this command shall have one
wagon, General one wagon and one commissary wagon. Brigade
commanders to wagons, regimental commanders one wagon, officers
shall carry one extra shirt and one pair of socks. Enlisted men
the same. Headquarters one hospital tent. Regimental commanders
one "A" tent. Enlisted men one half shelter tent each. All other
stores in excess to the above order to be immediately returned to
quartermaster at Winchester Virginia.
What an uproar this order made, nobody thought of disobeying
any part of it. We had no quartermaster. I happened to be the
oldest officer and the most experienced. So Major Daniels
appointed me G.N.V (There were two captains left to command 160
men). So I could be spared.
I began to gather up, and I got a big load for two horses to
haul back. We had a large train of wagons to take back our surplus
plunder. In the lot was Major Daniel’s flat cornet, that he played
very well. I left it where he told me, but it was never found
again, in fact it was more than a year before we got back.
I recollect having my dirty shirt washed there. Having but one,
I bought a gingham one to sleep in, but it scratched me so that I
was compelled to get up, and take it off and sleep without a shirt
on. I had been used to woolen ones that were soft, or had a quite
a different feel. I, or rather we turned in our goods and struck
for camp. In a few hours were ready and we started up the Valley
again. This time fighting trim. Our command was detailed to do
orderly duty at headquarters, and to collect forage.
This was a soft snap, but it did not last long. Hunter did not
want, nor would not have any idle soldiers hanging around nor was
there any setters in his command, and he marched us in such a
manner that ten minutes time would put us in battle. Instead of
being ten or twelve miles long, I think we were not more than one
mile from front to rear. He put the artillery and the few wagons
we had in the road, ambulances in the rear. Cavalry and Infantry
on each side of the road in column of platoons.
General Jubal Early had been sent into the Valley to check our
advance, but he did not do much of it. We marched straight for
Harrisonburg. Here General Hunter dispensed with our services. We
were ordered to report to General Duffie (a little bit of a French
Zouave, but a brave fellow). General Duffie took the cavalry and
made a recognizance off to the east to near the Blue Ridge and
back to Staunton without finding any fighting. The Infantry had a
little brush at Staunton. Nearly retiring as fast as we came up
with him.
We destroyed a lot of stuff belonging to the Confederate Army,
tried to blow up a depot. I do not think it was done, but we tore
up track, destroyed cars and in fact everything that belonged in
any way to the enemy. After being in camp for two days, orders
were received to move again.
Cavalry had been making excursions to all the gaps in the
mountains and through the country generally, and found that Early
had retreated toward Waynesboro, Virginia. Either before we
reached Staunton or a few days after we left we had a whole day’s
hard fighting with (I have forgotten the rebel commanders name, he
was a Tennessean and said to be a cousin of General Hunter’s) at
Port Republic, some call it Cross Keys. It was a stubborn fight.
Commencing at daylight and lasting until nearly sundown. The lines
of each actually engaged was just about the same length, and they
were each formed in the edge of a woods about 150 yards apart.
They charged and countercharge each other several times. We would
be defeated, but we held our own, and in looking ever our line
knew not near all of our men were engaged, and wondered why it was
so, but I must acknowledge that was wrong. We could hold our
position, and I now know that the ideal was too weary the enemy as
much as possible, and find out their strength and all of their
positions. The throw our whole force on them simultaneously in
annihilate them if possible. I shall try to give you an idea of
the battle. There was skirmishing for a mile or more. The skirmish
commenced with the pickets about day light. One of my company,
Chad Maxwell, was killed. Not more than three or four were killed
touring the skirmish. It was about nine o’clock when we reached
the rebel line.
There was two pieces of timber with a field between, of about
150 yards breadth. This field had an elevation of about 6 feet in
the middle, or only a head of a man could be seen from one line to
the other. This saved many a man’s life, and accounts for the
small number killed on each side. On the rebel left there was a
considerable elevation, where a worn fence was built across
another field. This fence was used as a breastwork by taking the
top rails and loading them from the fourth rail to the ground
toward us, so that when a bullet struck it would glance upwards
over their heads as they have been killed by a rail that was
struck by Cannonball and drove through him.
The lines were formed in the edge of the timber and he banged
away at each other fiercely all-day, and when that charges were
made it was fearful as the charging party appeared on the high
ground in the middle of the field. Neither could accomplish their
desire object of dislodging the foe. The land behind us was clear
and hilly on our left. About one or two o’clock A. Two gun battery
went on the hills on her left in the been fired on our flanks.
General Hunter sent a force of cavalry around them in a limbered
up and retreated in time to save their guns. He kept a force in
that section, and they had to abandon that pour the field. The
Cavalry was not in the fight, but were posted on the flanks to
watch any and all movements of the enemy, which was very important
duty.
Well, along about four o’clock our men opened up a terrific
fire. I do not under stand why, as the rebels were not charging.
Directly the most unearthly yells were heard, and as if by magic
1000 men spring out of the earth in a deep ravine, two or 300 yard
to our left and with year irresistible force struck the rebel line
on the right flank and doubled them up and at the same time our
line charged, and in less than 10 minutes 1060 rebels were
captured, their General killed in what was left running for life
back through the woods. The cavalry came in on a full run and
followed for a few miles, made some captures in the battle ended.
The wounded was cared for in the tents and houses. The dead was
buried. The prisoners are put under guard, and the Army prepared
for a nights rest. The casualties was small less than 100 on both
sides. Ours was in 30 somewhere. We met General Averill in a day
or two afterwards we took the prisoners and our ambulances with
the wounded and went back.
The cavalry was detailed to make a raid Nelson County. We were
gone five or six days, and among the head waters of the Mataponi
River we ran into a small squad 16 I think, who were guarding a
paymaster, captured them with six old farm wagons, was from two to
four horses in each in a bushel basketful of Confederate money. It
was not worth much for General Hunter paid $100 for a nights
lodging for self and staff at a hotel. But we could use it in that
section. I recollect seeing General Duffie struggling hard to get
a great roll into his pants pockets.
In our raid we found good roads through the hill and mountains.
There seemed to have been a immense amount of labor and money
spent to make them. In winding up some of the highest mountains,
bridge for could just wide enough for a wagon through solid rock,
a wall built on the lower side. They require much care to drive in
some places, to keep from slipping off. I recollect a four mule
team wagon driver and all went over where the pass was nearly 10
feet high. We never expected to see them anymore but three or 4
mi. farther on he came out to us with everything but his load,
bows and. To make our trip on time we did some night marching in
these mountains. That was worse fighting battle.
At the appointed time we join General Hunter at Lexington
Virginia where we destroyed the military Academy. The young men at
the school there were with considerable other force did all they
could to save their institution, but we drove them out and cleaned
out the buildings. General Jackson’s house caught fire, it was
consumed. This was not intended but I could not be helped.
We camped there for two days. It was only a few miles to
Natural Bridge, but the rebels guarded so well I did not get to
see it, which I have always regretted. We broke camp and started
for Lynchburg, the been to be able to drive out all opposition and
make junction with General Grant.
Our route through Bedford County. At Liberty the county seat we
met opposition. We skirmished clear to Lynchburg getting their
just about dusk, had a little skirmish when night closed the
operations. The Army camped in the line battle. I recollect that I
got our property in a churchyard. The slip between the hillocks of
two graves, and sometime in the night something hurt my hand and
jumping up found a steer had tramped on it while he was picking
grass.
By day light we commenced pounding away at each other. We drove
the rebels out of their line of breastworks by noon. A fought
bravely but they had to yield. We were on the hills overlooking
the town. When the screaming of an engine whistle attracted or
tension, and looking down the railroad we saw one regiment after
another get out of the cars that have been sent by the
Confederates from the East. About four o’clock orders came for the
wagons to be taken back to Liberty as fast as safety would permit.
The road was an old worn-out Turnpike in rough as possible to
be, and as usual the wagoners got wild and there was some of the
biggest driving ahead ever seen for nine or ten miles.
The Army fell back more deliberately it was after dark before
we reached Liberty where we camped for the night. Then he set
force of cavalry after us and gave a some trouble and firing was
continued in the rear.
A destruction corps was organized in the morning and while a
strong guard kept enemy at bay, we completely destroyed the
railroad from Liberty to Salem in Roanoke County. Tearing up the
rails in make a pile of the ties set them on fire, laid rails on
when not in the middle would bend them double. Now I’ll tell you
some incidents as they occurred to us from the time we left
Lexington Virginia until we reached Parkersburg West Virginia.
When we left Lexington we went south to near the peaks of
Atter. Near there we had to cross the James River. We had a
pontoon bridge along. It did not take more than an hour to anchor
the bridge and commence crossing. They were shaky waterways, but
they beat wading deep water all to such.
One soldier of the New York Regiment, foolishly rode his horse
into deep water and not knowing how to manage a horse swimming,
drew the reins hard, which made a horse rear up and he slid off,
with carbine, saber, revolver and his clothes on. He sank to rise
no more. Several good drivers did all they could get him, but
failed. We never did see anything more of him, and somebody’s
mother lost a brave boy.
The next day we met a small force that annoyed us some. They
fired on us from houses. We burn the houses and went on. At a
place in Bedford County all the Negroes ran from us as if the old
boy was after them. We chased several brought them in. I asked one
why he had run. He said his mistress told him the Yankees had
horns and they took all the slaves and killed the young ones and
those that were too old and feeble to work, sold the strong ones
to the Cubans for slaves where they would be treated like brutes
with no clothes to wear and have to cut raw corn like hogs.
I stopped at a fine house near by for rations (we subsisted on
the country most of the time). As the Madam why she told the
slaves such awful stories. She very stoutly denied it, say it was
an invention of the darkies themselves. I very much doubt it, as
the truth of her story for I had found that a white person does
work did not think it any more fell a Yankee or "Nigger" an
untruth.
I think more than 1000 slaves went with us on their way to see
Farther Abraham and Liberty, and there was some genius with us. I
remember one from Nelson County, who had never seen breaks on a
wagon. They always tied a wheel with a chain.
I detailed him to attend to the breaks on a wagon. I had to
show him what to pull on the hills. The first we came to of course
the wagon did not stop as he was used to, so that the chain could
be tied. I called to him in it the us about as if on fire, but do
not know what to do. Our rode up to him and told him to pull that
bar or rim that inside the wheel, thinking that of course he would
recollect to pull forward, but instead he pull back work with all
this might plowing in the sand with his heels to hold harder on
the wagon. The hill a steep and was so ludicrous to see him trying
to hold the wagon, that could do nothing but laugh. I gave him
another lesson teaching him to pull forward. Then it made no
difference to him what to size up the hill was, the always wanted
to pull hard enough to lock the wheels. After we got to camp he
was lost to me in a great crowd blacks, but I suppose he always
gave the same answer when asked where he was from. " Nelson
County, Sah".
At the Battle Lynchburg General Duffie would watch the flash of
cannon, and dropped to the ground before Cannonball could reach
him. He was drilled in the Zouave tactics. Some of our boys got an
old tender on the switch several would get in and lie down, some
of push it around a curve in the road and fire at the enemy, and
in pull back load up and try again. I had several men killed and
wounded their, I have forgotten who they were."
Late Captain Albert Hunter
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